{"hits":{"total":{"value":4,"relation":"eq"},"hits":[{"_index":"gesis-21-05-2026-02-00-54","_id":"gesis-ssoar-40395","_version":3,"_seq_no":95182,"_primary_term":1,"found":true,"_source":{"title":"Energy diplomacy: West Germany, the Soviet Union and the oil crises of the 1970s","id":"gesis-ssoar-40395","date":"2014","date_recency":"2014","abstract":"This article analyzes West German energy policy and negotiations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Archival sources from the West German government show that long-term energy diplomacy became a carefully built link which guaranteed cooperation even during political crises,such as the one in 1980\/81. This article argues that energy diplomacy catalyzed Brandt\u2019s Ostpolitik. In particular, natural gas pipelines implied mutual trust within a stable relationship, which led to further collaborations, including cooperation\nin nuclear power. It points out that, from this perspective, 1973 was not exactly a turning point, and some grandiose plans in the years after the\nfirst oil crisis failed. Furthermore the article shows how the second oil crisis in 1979 increased cooperation cooperation between West Germany and the Soviet Union, although this strained West Germany\u2019s relationship with the United States. Archival documents reveal that energy policy matters remained wellcalculated and persistent. Thus, the Soviet Union became a more reliable partner than many Arab countries.","portal_url":"http:\/\/www.ssoar.info\/ssoar\/handle\/document\/40395","type":"publication","topic":["Bundesrepublik Deutschland","Erdgas","Erd\u00f6l","alte Bundesl\u00e4nder","Energieversorgung","Krise","Energiepolitik","Kalter Krieg","wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit","Kernenergie","UdSSR","Wirtschaftspolitik","Entspannungspolitik","Ostpolitik","Diplomatie"],"person":["B\u00f6sch, Frank"],"person_sort":"B\u00f6sch","source":"In: Historical Social Research, 39, 2014, 4, 165-184","links":[{"label":"URN","link":"http:\/\/nbn-resolving.de\/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-403950"},{"label":"DOI","link":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.12759\/hsr.39.2014.4.165-185"}],"subtype":"journal_article","document_type":"Zeitschriftenartikel","institutions":["GESIS"],"coreAuthor":["B\u00f6sch, Frank"],"coreSjahr":"2014","coreJournalTitle":"Historical Social Research","coreZsband":"39","coreZsnummer":"4","coreLanguage":"en","doi":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.12759\/hsr.39.2014.4.165-185","urn":"urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-403950","coreIssn":"0172-6404","data_source":"GESIS-SSOAR","index_source":"GESIS-SSOAR","database":"SSOAR - Social Science Open Access Repository","link_count":0,"gesis_own":1,"fulltext":1,"metadata_quality":10,"full_text":" ern state and the Soviet Union. Even in these precarious times, Chancellor Helmut Schmidt supported the continuation of said negotiations, telling the businessmen, \"The usual business with the Soviet Union needs to continue, but embargo and boycotting the Moscow Olympics - is still in our memory. Yet, only a few weeks after the Soviet invasion, German businessmen traveled to Moscow to negotiate the biggest energy trade deal ever made between a WestEnergy Diplomacy: West Germany, the Soviet Union and the Oil Crises of the 1970s Frank B\u00f6sch ? Abstract: \u00bbEnergiediplomatie. Westdeutschland, die Sowjetunion und die \u00d6lkrisen der 1970er Jahre\". This article analyzes West German energy policy and negotiations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Archival sources from the West German government show that long-term energy diplomacy became a carefully built link which guaranteed cooperation even during political crises, such as the one in 1980\/81. This article argues that energy diplomacy catalyzed Brandt\"s Ostpolitik. In particular, natural ga s pipelines implied mutual trust within a stable relationship, which led to further collaborations, including cooperation in nuclear power. It points out that, from this perspective, 1973 was not exactly a turning point, and some grandiose plans in the years after the first oil crisis failed. Furthermore the article shows how the second oil crisis in 1979 increased cooperation cooperation between West Germany and the Soviet Union, although this strained West Ge rmany\"s relationship with the United States. Archival documents reveal that energy policy matters remained wellcalculated and persistent. Thus, the Soviet Union became a more reliable partner than many Arab countries. Keywords: Germany, Soviet Union, Cold War, oil crisis, natural gas, nuclear power, d\u00e9tente. 1. Introduction With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the NATO Double-Track Decision, and, shortly after, the crisis in Poland, the year 1980 marked the beginning of another frigid period of the Cold War. America's reaction - i.e., imposing an ? Frank B\u00f6sch, Centre for Contemporary History (ZZF), Am Neuen Markt 1, 14467 Potsdam, Germany; boesch@zzf-pdm.de. Historical Social Research 39 (2014) 4, 165-185 \u0147 \u00a9 GESIS DOI: 10.12759\/hsr.39.2014.4.165-185 delivering oil, gas, coal, and enriched uranium not only to its Eastern allies, but ars, they tend to focus on their respective national perspectives and trading partners in the energy market, but seldom do they deal with countries such as Germany. to secure peace. Both aspects provide good reasons for associating the transformation of energy supplies with the history of the Cold War and the changing relationship between the East and the West. Usually, the decade of the oil crisis is associated with the growing power of the Arab world and OPEC. Numerous studies deal with their economic and political impacts on the Western world. ful that West Germany chose to risk a massive conflict with its most important ally, the United States. Second, energy trading appears to have been politically strategic, including aims to involve the Soviet Union and Comecon States, and energy resources of their own territories , in order to curtail their appetite for foreign ones,\" it should not be business as usual.\" 1 Schmidt thus agreed that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) could not afford to get rid of its Soviet energy supplies and regarded joint energy policy making as a chance to restrain the Soviet Union. Thus, Schmidt stressed the need to aid the Soviet Union in \"tapping the 2 and further made clear in his remarks to President Carter that \"those engaging in trade with each other do not shoot at one another.\" 3 Two aspects of this constellation are particularly striking. First, the West German government evidently considered energy trading to be more significant than the ongoing political conflict. In fact, the issue of energy proved so power4 Other publications have analyzed domestic efforts to reduce oil consumption in Western countries, cooperative attempts at meeting this challenge, and the quest for domestic energy resources. Since most of these publications were written by American and British schol5 Eastern Europe, especially, has been rarely considered from this historical angle, mainly because energy trading between the Communist East and the United States and Britain was practically nonexistent. 6 Yet, starting in this decade, the Soviet Union became the largest energy producer in the world, 1 \"Das normale Gesch\u00e4ft mit der Sowjetunion solle weitergehen, aber es d\u00fcrfe kein business as usual sein\"; Gespr\u00e4ch Schmidt mit Wirtschaftsvertretern 30.1.1980, in Akten zur Ausw\u00e4rtigen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (ADAP), 1980, vol. 1, ed. Ilse Dorothee Pautsch et al. (M\u00fcnchen: Oldenbourg, 2011), 206. Also see report Sieger\/documentation von Staden 25.2.1980, in ibid., 91, note 19. 2 \"[A]uf ihrem eigenem Territorium Energiequellen zu erschlie\u00dfen, damit ihr Appetit auf fremde gez\u00fcgelt wird\", meeting between Chancellor Schmidt, union leaders and corporate leaders 24.1.1980, in Archiv der Sozialen Demokratie Deutschlands (AdSD) 1\/HSAA008881 and identical: \"Schmidt and economic leaders 30.1.1980\", in ADAP 1980, vol. 1, 206. 3 \"Wer Handel miteinander treibe, schie\u00dfe nicht aufeinander\"; minutes of meeting between Schmidt and Carter 5.3.1980, in ADAP 1980, vol. 1, 406. 4 Compare e.g. Yergin 1991; Vernon 1976; Venn 2002. 5 Only one study on Germany exists so far, which is based on press coverage from this time; Hohensee 1996. Forthcoming, but not on relations with Eastern Europe: Graf 2014. 6 An early important exception: Gustafson 1989. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 166 Economic Minister, are main sources. the assumption that oil firms had maneuvered themselves into a position of political power, they believe that the companies' involvement in the energy trade facilitated these increasing interdependencies. responsible for shaping inter-state relations. look at other countries, it will concentrate on the two most important trading partners: West Germany and the Soviet Union. As such, German archival sources, such as the papers of the Chancellors, the Foreign Minister, and the the scope and limits of energy policy making between the East and West, examining whether energy diplomacy and supply were able to cross the Iron Curtain over the course of the Cold War decades. While the article will briefly states, such as the Soviet Union and the GDR, and among the allied members of NATO (e.g., between the United States and West Germany). This article analyzes the interaction between Eastern and Western Europe before, during, and after the oil crises of the 1970s. It will examine to what extent the energy crises of 1973 and 1979 influenced European East-West relations and whether other developments were more influential. It discusses nomic systems in general. One might argue that, with their joint energy policy, Eastern and Western Europe affected more than their own relations. Their energy diplomacy also influenced relations between the socialist Comecon Soviet Union. Although their energy exports never matched those of the Arab world, their political significance was overriding. Unsurprisingly, this led to interdependence during the Cold War, which also changed political and ecoalso increasingly to Central European countries. Especially during the energy crises of the 1970s, the Soviet Union emerged as a major player in the global competition for future energy supplies. 7 Far from suffering a collapse in 1973, increasing trade with the West went hand-in-hand with economic growth in the 8 The following analysis thus ties in with studies on \"oil diplomacy,\" a term that refers to the complex network of actors in the public and private sectors 9 Since the 1970s, academics and politicians have repeatedly debated the extent to which multinational oil companies influence foreign relations and state sovereignty. Although they reject 10 Even before the oil crisis, and especially after 1973, the energy supply was considered to have economic, military, political, and social relevance in questions of security.11 7 Cf. Perovi\u0107 2013, 5-28; Victor and Victor 2006, 122-68. 8 I have analyzed documents from the Chancellery, the Foreign Office, and the Ministry of Economics, as well as the papers of Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, who kindly granted me access to his files. 9 Cf. Venn 1986, 9. 10 For information on the political and academic discourse on this subject since the 1970s cf. now Graf 2014. 11 On contemporary discourse cf.: Miller 1977, 111-23 and Graf 2012, 185-208. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 167 plans that were already under way, rather than marking a crucial turning point. The late 1950s and, to an even greater extent, the late 1960s witnessed the initiation of such developments. The basic outline of these preliminary events is familiar. Although energy trade with Russia can be traced back to czarist times, such dealings came to a years, and OPEC thus raised prices before 1973's Arab-Israeli War; although, prices increased only after the war's start. focusing mainly on contract negotiations up to the 1970s. He argues that economic considerations regarding \"red gas\" have always been more important than political ones. Since the 1980s, several political science studies have analyzed the former Soviet States' energy policies, relying on public and official reports as sources.12 A couple of historical studies have focused on the Soviet natural gas supply and its relevance for Ostpolitik, which helped to ease tensions between the socialist countries and West Germany under Chancellor Willy Brandt. Werner Lippert contends that long-term cooperation on the natural gas market enabled the lasting success of Ostpolitik.13 His study concentrates mainly on the diplomatic actions of a small number of states men in the early 1970s: Nixon\/Kissinger, Brandt\/Bahr, and Brezhnev. In 2013, Per H\u00f6gselius published the most comprehensive and well-researched study on Russian natural gas exports to date, 14 Compared with these studies, my paper offers a broader perspective on the energy supply, including oil and nuclear power, while also providing a more focused look at the above issues. 2. 1973 as a Caesura? Energy Diplomacy before the Crisis Research on the 1970s tends to mark the year 1973 as a watershed moment and the oil crisis, with its economic and cultural implications, as a nucleus of change.15 At the same time, several studies on energy and economic history have relativized its significance, for the term \"energy crisis\" had long been in use and special energy programs had been launched prior. Price increases and the perceived energy shortage were growing issues during these preceding 16 There are good reasons to contend that the 1973 oil crisis was not actually a watershed event for Eastern Europe and energy relations between the East and West. The Soviet Union's energy diplomacy, in particular, illustrates that the increase in oil prices, in connection with the Yom Kippur War, intensified 12 For the most important study on German relations cf. W\u00f6rmann 1986. Comp. also: Smallidge 1997, 4-25. 13 Lippert 2011, 182. 14 H\u00f6gselius 2013, 7, 222. 15 Cf. e.g.: Borstelmann 2012, 54; Killen 2007; Raithel et al. 2009 and Jarausch 2008. 16 Venn 2002, 8 and Yergin 1991, 590; Graf 2014. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 168 portant motivation for Western countries. However, the possibility of rapproject that could only be realized with West German support and thus affected exports to Southern Germany as well, were already underway in 1966. withdrawing from foreign trade, the Soviet Union actively sought contact with the West in the second half of the 1960s, selling oil and gas to boost its economy. Negotiations with Austria and Italy over a gas supply line to Trieste, a my. Other countries such as Sweden and Japan understudied it, so that the completion of the Druzhba pipeline was hardly delayed. Thus, economic rationale increasingly took precedence over political goals. Thirdly, rather than energy supplies agreed upon could be provided, which jeopardized trust between them and their Soviet trading partner. some even chose to undermine it - energy relations were causing tension among NATO members even prior to the oil crisis. States in 1962, prohibiting the delivery of large-diameter pipes for a period of five years. were now getting their oil from the Soviet Union. While neutral countries such as Finland, Sweden, and Austria played crucial roles, NATO states, such as Greece and Italy, also purchased large quantities of oil. Druzhba pipeline played a key role in fostering economic ties in the East by strengthening Soviet relations with allied socialist states of the Comecon. Also, many Western nations that had previously been clients of American companies temporary halt under Stalin in the 1930s. The United States and the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (CoCom) undertook boycotts in the 1950s, which further prolonged this interruption. 17 At the end of the decade, the USSR was finally able to gradually revive its trading routes. The 18 In addition, Western European companies, particularly those located in Italy, Austria, and West Germany, invested heavily in the construction of pipelines.19 Political tensions such as the Berlin Crisis, the construction of the Berlin Wall, and the Cuban missile crisis notwithstanding, economic cooperation evolved between Eastern and Western Europe. For political security reasons, as well as economic interests, NATO enforced an embargo initiated by the United 20 Its effect during the 1960s was th reefold. Firstly, since Western European countries grudgingly complied with this more stringent policy - and 21 West Germany in particular took a substantial hit and protested the fact that, now, only a fifth of the 22 Secondly, it became apparent that the boycott attempts had little effect on an increasingly globalized econo23 Since gas from the Netherlands was more expensive, financial aspects were an im17 Perovi\u0107 2013, 12 and F\u00e4\u00dfler 2006. 18 Painter 2009, 505. 19 H\u00f6gselius 2013, 38-40. 20 W\u00f6rmann 1986, 28. 21 This is the central argument in W\u00f6rmann 1986, 29 and Lippert 2011, 9. 22 Cf. notes dept. IIA 6 to the Bundespr\u00e4sidialamt [Office of the Federal President] 19.1.1968, in PA AA B 41 51. 23 Schliecker to the Ministry of Economics 12.12.1966, in: PA AA B 41 64. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 169 Ostpolitik. German Minister of Economic Affairs, Karl Schiller, and the Soviet Minister of Foreign Trade, Nicolas Patolitchev, solemnly shook hands after signing their contract in Essen on February 1, 1970, the agreement marked the prelude to believed that interest rates, runtime, and amortization were unusually generous and that the Federal Republic of Germany was taking advantage of its financial powers so as to dominate and establish trade with the East. for the purpose of building a 2000-kilometer pipeline. pipeline with the Soviet Union in Vienna. At this point, West Germany's Foreign Ministry had already justified getting twenty percent of its natural gas from the Soviet Union. tainly preceded it - one might even say such cooperation laid the groundwork for Ostpolitik. As early as the summer of 1969, upon approval by the Ministry of Economics, West German businessmen negotiated the construction of a gas prochement was seen as a welcome political side effect. For some politicians, such as Willy Brandt, it was even the other way round, and this link between economy and policy helped him in the long run to convince conservative and liberal politicians and the public. Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, which became a key issue when he was elected Chancellor in October 1969, undoubtedly played a significant role in promoting energy policies. However, economic cooperation in the energy sector cer24 It was significant that the conservative Bavarian Ministry of Economics took an active part in drawing up this first agreement to obtain Soviet gas - its landlocked location went hand-in-hand with high energy prices.25 In late 1969, two private law contracts were concluded: one stipulating that the Ruhrgas AG be supplied with 3 billion cubic meters of natural gas per annum over a twenty-year period, the other regulating 1.2 billion Deutschmarks worth of pipes, provided by Mannesmann AG and Thyssen R\u00f6hrenwerke AG, 26 The fact that the Germans successfully competed for Soviet energy supplies was resented not only by its Western European allies, but also by some German ministries, which 27 The most significant transaction between the East and the West up to this point had thus already been completed well before Brandt's treaties with Moscow took effect and can be seen as an integral part of the treaties. When the 28 In subsequent political negotiations, this contract served as proof of a new sense of unity for both parties, as well as a sign of \"real Soviet interest to consolidate and broaden cooperative efforts.\" 29 The new pipeline tied the 24 Documentation Herbst 27.6.1969, in ADAP 1969, 741-2. 25 Regarding Bavaria\"s energy policy, cf. Deutinger 2001, 66-72 and H\u00f6gselius 2013, 67-70. 26 AAPD 1969 II. 86, footnote 1. 27 Cf. documentation undersecretary Herbst 26.1.1970, in AAPD 1969, vol. 1, 86 and Der Spiegel, February 9, 1970, 34. 28 Minutes 3.2.1970 in AAPD 1970, vol. 1, 33. For its representation in the media cf. e.g.: Der Spiegel, February 9, 1970, 34. 29 Cf. e.g. documentation Gehlhoff 11.2.1970, in ADAP 1970, vol 1., 220. Regarding its trade significance cf. Rudolph 2004, 274. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 170 Schwedt and supply the city with additional Soviet oil using West German state of Hesse was soon in talks with the USSR over a petroleum pipeline from Schwedt (GDR) to where the new facility was to operate. establishing a gasoline refinery in Kassel in mind. He promoted this idea in Romania in 1971, suggesting that the oil pipelines between the Soviet Union and the GDR should be extended to Kassel. Sure enough, the small federal and Nakhodka, which lies on the coast of the Japanese Sea. Both countries entered into serious negotiations in 1971\/72. Soviet efforts to make Siberian resources accessible went even further. 1973, and which the Soviet Union hailed as a sure sign of cordial relations. East and the West, ensuring an increase in export shares. When Brezhnev visited West Germany in May 1973, he regarded the pipeline as guarantor of longterm partnership: \"Once this has been completed, cooperation shall be secured for 30, even 50 years.\" 30 In reality, the Federal Republic of Germany began to emerge as the USSR's primary Western trading partner as early as 1972. In that year, as well as in 1974, new contracts expanded the pipeline business, and by 1973 oil exports to West Germany had tripled. 31 At first glance the development of trade with the Soviet Union, a country with a weak currency, resembled \"the trading practices of the Stone Age: clubs for bones, bones for furs, furs for stone axes,\" 32 as Krupp CEO Berthold Beitz archly concluded. Although these were actually complex individual contracts involving major consortia, they were ultimately bilateral trade agreements; revenue thus stagnated and ultimately failed to regain momentum.33 Beyond the Federal Republic, various other East-West collaborations had attended to the construction of natural gas pipelines around 1970. For instance, Finland supplied Scandinavia via a pipeline that had already been completed by 34 Even earlier, in 1966, the USSR proposed the construction of an 8000kilometer pipeline to Japan, which was to span the distance between Siberia 35 West German documents also contain a myriad of information on initiatives that, until now, have lain buried in dust, including those suggested by regional politicians. For example, the Hessian Minister President, Albert Osswald, had 36 Similarly, in late 1972, the West Berlin Senate conducted negotiations to expand the refinery in 30 \"Wenn dies einmal fertig sei, dann sei die Zusammenarbeit f\u00fcr 30, ja 50 Jahre garantiert\" and documentation of talk between Brandt and Breschnev 18.5.1973, in ADAP 1973, vol. 2, 721. 31 Note by Sieger 6.11.1973, in PA AA B 41 51. 32 \"[D]em Tauschverkehr der Steinzeit: Keulen gegen Knochen, Knochen gegen Felle, Felle gegen Stein\u00e4xte\"; Beitz acc. to Der Spiegel, January 23, 1978, 42. 33 Also see Rudolph 2004, 354. 34 Cf. the FRG consul\"s report from Leningrad to the AA 7.1.1974, in PA AA B 41 51. 35 Reports by the German embassy in Tokyo to the AA 29.7.1971 and 20.12.1971, in PA AA B 52 366 and Curtis 1977, 154-158. 36 Proposal for talk, dept. 403 AA 26.10.1973, and note dept. III D 2 6.2.1973, in PA AA B 41 51. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 171 Federal Republic. the Soviet Union, and since the United States had given its consent and were negotiating uranium deals. In addition, Brezhnev offered to build a nuclear power station in Kaliningrad, which would supply electricity to West Berlin and the clear power plants in Biblis and Neckarwestheim followed that same year. search - had \"long been in support of unconditional trade regarding the enrichment of uranium in the Soviet Union.\" cow about purchasing \"basic equipment\" in the form of enrichment services for a power plant to be built in M\u00fchlheim. Talks proceeded \"to everyone's utter satisfaction,\" and subsequent contract negotiations about uranium for the nudecided to impose stricter trading conditions for uranium supplies to Western Europe. The French were now banking on European efforts to provide enriched uranium, but demanded that products be tailored specifically to their needs. the mid-1970s the market share of gasoline, diesel, and fuel oil made in the GDR reached 50 percent. In the process, crude oil was exchanged between and processed by the two German states. support. Although this project evoked memories of the 1948 Berlin Airlift, during which the allies had delivered coal supplies by air, the German Chancellery ultimately consented. 37 Even so, since the 1950s the GDR had been processing crude oil for West Berlin. After 1969, processing intensified, and by 38 By 1980, just over half of West Berlin's energy supplies were provided by the Federal Republic and a good third by the GDR, while Poland and the USSR contributed to a lesser extent.39 In this context, energy diplomacy between the East and the West was particularly consequential. It appears that, prior to the oil crisis of 1973, the Soviet Union was also a much-desired nuclear trading partner. Up until then, West Germany had received enriched uranium from the United States. However, in 1972 the latter 40 In the previous year, Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin had already offered uranium enrichment services on more favorable terms. 41 In March 1973, the West German energy supplier RWE and the Euratom Supply Agency spoke with Mos42 According to one comment, the ministries in charge - i.e., the Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology and the Federal Ministry of Education and Re43 Although initially doubtful, the Foreign Office also concurred, since such an arrangement would boost trade with 44 Also, the GDR adopted techniques from the West and 37 Draft dept. 403 19.12.1972, in PA AA ZA 13924 and Chancellery to AA 29.1.1973, in ibid. 38 Comp. Judt 2013, 62-5. 39 Note BMWi C 1 4.11.1981, in PAAA ZA 132521. 40 On France\"s unwillingness to cooperate, the Federal Republic, and nuclear energy cf. now: Tauer 2012. 41 Documentation Hermes 23.3.1971, in PA AA 105299. 42 Documentation Randermann 10.5.1973, in ADAP 1973, vol. 2, 653-8 and documentation Poensgen 24.8.1973, in ibid., 1282-3. 43 \"[S]eit langem f\u00fcr eine vorbehaltslose Genehmigung auch weiterer Gesch\u00e4fte der Urananreicherung in der Sowjetunion\" and documentation Poensgen 24.8.1973, in ADAP 1973, vol. 2, 1282-3. 44 Stent 2001, 227. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 172 cooperating with the USSR and Poland at the time. By the same token, the energy supply on a broader scale prior to the fateful year of 1973. overall picture regarding cooperative efforts after 1973 reveals that, while a number of large-scale plans were devised, many of them were never realized. This failure was due to both economic and political causes. Hence, the year 1973 was not the death knell of utopian ideas; on the contrary, contemporaneous energy policies allowed them to fully flower. Such visionary schemes involved a variety of energy resources. In 1974, the Soviets expanded their nuclear energy portfolio, proposing that four nuclear power plants be built in West Germany to supply the country and West Berlin with electricity. Chancellor Helmut Schmidt had few political concerns about also affected Western Europe, which received part of its oil supplies from American companies. Albeit comparatively insignificant on an economic level, this event gave cause for alienation and prompted the West to safeguard its Arab countries were considered problematic business partners before 1973. The impact of the brief Arab oil embargo during the June War of 1967 must not be underrated; although aimed at the United States and Great Britain, the embargo nessmen such as Berthold Beitz were familiar with Eastern European energy trade because they worked in the region prior to 1945. Second, they saw themselves as post-war pioneers of a new Entente Cordiale. At the same time, many cultural proximity, companies were in favor of developing this relationship in spite of political resistance. One must not underestimate the twofold historical experiences shared by many company managers in this context. First, busiplanned closer cooperation on nuclear power plants with West Germany. In 1987 GDR officials discussed importing a power plant from its Western neighbor, but they failed to actually do so. However, they did order technical support for the East German power plant in Lubmin from the West German company Siemens.45 One may argue that these findings support the counterfactual conclusion that energy trade between the East and the West would have flourished even if the oil crisis of 1973 had never taken place. Because of their geographical and 46 3. Failed Plans for Cooperation Post-1973 The 1973 oil crisis consolidated existing plans to cooperate with the USSR. While OPEC's rising prices doubtlessly made Soviet resources appear more attractive, waning trust in the Arabs further bolstered the Soviet Union's reputation as a reliable trading partner. I would like to argue, however, that the 45 M\u00fcller 2011, 72-5. Cooperations since 1989 are mentioned in: H\u00f6gselius 2005, 16, 38. 46 Regarding its political effect on West Germany cf. e.g.: 83. Kabinettssitzung, 13.6.1967, and 159. Sitzung 12.3.1969, in Kabinettsprotokolle 1969 (M\u00fcnchen, 2012), 134. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 173 natural resources, the USSR chose not to resume negotiations. the costs for the gigantic pipeline to Japan, the Soviets abandoned negotiations. Instead, they offered to build a railroad as a supply route. Although Japan suffered a particularly heavy blow during the 1973 oil crisis due to its scarcity of means to exert pressure in conflict situations by securing a strategic advantage. While West Germany's gas business was expanding, other projects following the oil crisis also failed. In the mid-1970s, for instance, upon recalculating gain access to high-tech facilities. The sense of urgency with which they pursued potential opportunities to provide for West Berlin in particular may be construed as a political concession. However, it equally signifies a potential tion as to how electricity could traverse GDR territory without compromising safety. Regardless, the GDR had protested vehemently against connecting Berlin and West Germany in such a way, Federal Republic agreed to the construction of nuclear power stations in despotic states, such as Brazil and Iran. Only the GDR's potential interference cast doubt on plans to install a power supply line.47 The project fell through in 1976, however. The West German parties involved had not been able to find a solu48 and although the United States had initially agreed to a \"non-paper,\" their eventual opposition had boiled down to the possibility of blackmail. 49 Officially stating that the project was not lucrative enough, the Soviet Union was equally responsible for the aborted plans. 50 Unexpected offers from Poland and the GDR, both of which were looking to supply West Berlin and West Germany with electricity from nuclear power stations built on their home turf, took a similar course. 51 One endeavor that came to fruition, however, was the provision of materials to Soviet power plants.52 From these examples we can deduce that, by means of countertrade, the socialist states were eager to supply West Germany with electricity so as to 53 47 Intergovernmental talk between Germany and the USSR 29.10.1974, in ADAP 1974, vol. 2., 1369-70 and Honecker an Schmidt 10.9.1974, in Bonn und Ostberlin 1969-1982: Dialog auf h\u00f6chster Ebene und vertrauliche Kan\u00e4le. Darstellungen und Dokumente, ed. Heinrich Potthoff, 310, (Bonn: Dietz, 1997), and talk Schmidt-Gierek 11.6.1976, in ADAP 1976, vol. 1, 861. 48 This event and the corresponding argument are mentioned in Pittamn 1992, 68. 49 On exploratory talks see: Schmidt an Kissinger 18.10.1974, in ADAP 1974, vol. 2, 1303 and on the \"non-paper\" see: Aufzeichnung H\u00f6lscher 12.9.1975, in ADAP 1975, vol. 2, 1247-1248. U.S. concerns about security are mentioned in W\u00f6rmann 1986, 85. 50 Talk between Genscher and Olszowski 6.4.1976, in ADAP 1976, vol. 1, 465. 51 The embassy in Moscow to the AA 26.2.1974, in PAAA B 41 51 and documentation dept. 421 6.9.1974, in ADAP 1974, vol. 2, 721 and talk Genscher-Olszowski 6.4.1976, in ADAP 1976, vol. 1, 465, note 7 and Honecker to Schmidt 10.9.1974, in Potthoff, Bonn und Ostberlin, 310. 52 In 1980, it is reported that: \"Die Deutsche Babcock hat den nuklearen Teil f\u00fcr 3 KKW geliefert\" [The Deutsche Babcock has delivered nuclear material for 3 power plants] and notes for discussion for meeting between Chancellor Schmidt and First Deputy Premier Tikhonov of the Soviet Union, 28.5.1980, in AdSD 1\/HSAA008907. 53 Overall, the relationship cooled. Cf. T\u014cg\u014c 2010, 242. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 174 indeed possible. Concomitantly, this boost resulted in a greater demand for energy in the Comecon states, which, save for Romania, all depended to a large partner, causing it to be more rigid - but also more erratic - in its various negotiations. Its growing economy nurtured not only a desire for Western technology but also the audacious belief that long-term projects with the West were plants had been nationalized. For political and legal reasons, however, in early 1973 West Germany refused to consent to such terms. Germany's agenda over the last few years.\" dropped even before 1973. As a principal customer, the German energy company VEBA was aiming to double oil supplies, to Kassel, could not be put into action, because Soviet authorities were reluctant to support them. Even though the demand for oil was high in the West, it was insufficiently met - so insufficiently, in fact, that West Germany's supplies tween Austria and France. The project was doomed to failure, however. The 1979 Iranian Revolution drove the final nail into its coffin. suggested an alternative that was more cost-effective and designed to traverse their own territory. itate emigration procedures for Soviet Jews, among other things. West German plans to pipe gas from Iran also turned out to be no more than a pipe dream. The supply line was intended to run through Turkey, but in 1974 the Soviets Similarly, a deal between the Soviet Union and the United States referred to as \"North Star\" was called off in late 1974. Plans had been made for a pipeline to Murmansk, from which gas would be delivered to the United States via waterway. Talks ended partly because of the American policy intended to facil54 This was another example of the USSR's demanding nature as a trading partner, which tended to impede initial negotiations.55 Nonetheless, the two partners reached an agreement in 1975 which stipulated that the pipeline would cover 11 billion cubic meters per annum - although, only half was bound for the Federal Republic; the other half would be shared be56 Oil supplies were also a pressing problem. Anticipated large-scale projects, such as the oil pipeline 57 but the quota of 4.4 million tons could \"not be reached\" in 1973, \"despite the rigorous insistence that had marked 58 To compensate for this dearth, the USSR considered making additional oil available from third party countries that were unable to offer their services to Western states because their oil production 59 So, we can conclude that the first oil crisis intensified negotiations with the USSR, but its chief effect was the expansion of projects that had already been underway before its inception. There are various reasons for this. Against the backdrop of d\u00e9tente, the oil crisis made the Soviet Union a significant trading 54 The embassy in Moscow to AA 26.2.1974, in Bundesarchiv Koblenz (BA) B 136\/17572. 55 Embassador Wieck\/Moskow to AA 11.6.1974, in ADAP 1974, vol. 1, 708. 56 Cf. Hogselius 2013, 173 and W\u00f6rmann 1986, 84. 57 Benningsen-Foerder\/executive chairman of VEBA to Foreign Minister Scheel 7.1.1974, Benningsen-Foerder to Hermes\/AA 7.5.1973 6.2.1973, in PAAA B 41 51. 58 Note dept. 403 prior to Brezhnev\"s 11.5.1973, in PA AA B 41 51. 59 Benningsen-Foerder to Hermes\/AA 7.5.1973 and note dept. III D 2 6.2.1973, in PA AA B 41 51. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 175 While imports from the East had increased by the end of the decade, the portion of the overall energy supply they constituted remained small. Only eleven percent of primary energy imports were purchased from the Comecon states more precisely, by the late 1970s, 15 percent of Western Europe's natural gas, a mere two percent of its oil, and four percent of its imported coal came from the East. Community. This rings true for the \"Tra ns Europa Naturgas Pipeline\" (TENP) in particular, which was built between Switzerland and the Netherlands in 1972 and put into operation two years later, providing Germany with Dutch gas. gy trade deals in the 1970s. Furthermore, new supply lines were also installed within Western borders shortly before the oil crisis, facilitating the expansion of natural gas and fostering cooperation among member states of the European long before had galvanized plans for cooperation between the East and West. Hence, the fascination surrounding oil pipelines between Eastern and Western Europe should not lead us to dismiss the limitations that marked joint enerraise energy prices after 1974. Not only did this double-edged energy policy increase tensions in the East, it also encumbered negotiations with the West. In the end, the lowering of oil prices post-1975 impeded the same activism that not difficulties for the Comecon states. In a sense, the Soviets tried to have it both ways. They gave priority to Comecon, supplying its member states with lowprice energy; but at the same time, they breached contract and gradually began to degree on exports from the USSR. The Soviet Union now faced the predicament of either refraining from imposing price rises and, thereby, securing its energy supply to its socialist brother nations (as agreed to in the Five-Year Plans), or choosing to benefit from high world market prices but thus creating economic 60 The actual bargain from these deals was significant, but perhaps more important was the symbolic meaning of this energy diplomacy. These deals promised even closer cooperation in the future. 4. Despite Political Crises: Reor ientation after the Crisis of 1979 It is well known that Iran's cessation of oil supplies in 1979, which amounted to about ten percent of the world market, led to a second major price increase. Since Iran was its chief supplier, West Germany was hit particularly hard and had to look to other countries for imports. 61 Japan, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United States, who were also bulk buyers, also felt the squeeze financially. While the economic consequences of the worldwide oil crisis of 1979 are at least as far-reaching as those of 1973, th e earlier crisis still overshadows the 60 Data taken from: Referat 405 AA 30.1.1980, in PA AA ZA 126878. 61 Note to Chancellor 15.1.1979, in BA\/K B 136 16650. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 176 exacerbated problems in both blocs, but also ensured widespread cooperation. While the Soviet Union was still in a period of growth, which the first oil crisis had not slowed, by 1980 the balance of its ninth Five-Year Plan was devastatthe Urals would lessen and antiquated extraction technology would make tapping into Siberian resources difficult. the future. Now, analyses - mainly American - predicted major energy problems as the USSR's raw materials were being depleted and the demand for energy only grew. Afghanistan campaign, cooperation with the Soviet Union became much more problematic. In addition, the perception of the Soviet Union's energy policy changed. At the beginning of the 1970s, the USSR was considered a market of hand, made clear that tensions between the Arab world and the West would make the reliability of stable oil supplies and of allies, such as Iran, impossible. The expansion of atomic energy was still seen as an alternative solution in 1973. By 1979, the Three Mile Island acci dent near Harrisburg had increased the number of skeptical voices in many countries. And while, in 1973, visionary collaborations with Eastern Europe held the promise of a solution, after the tage crisis, the revolution in Nicaragua, the United Kingdom's Winter of Discontent and the subsequent election of Thatcher, and the accident at the Three Mile Island atomic reactor near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania in the United States. later one. Most historical accounts in Western Europe in particular have hardly heeded it. This may lie in the fact that numerous concurrent crises made 1979 seem like an annus mirabilis. Among these are the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the NATO Double-Track Decision, the Iranian Revolution and Iran hos62 Since the Soviet Union was accused of invading Afghanistan in order to extend its influence on the oil-rich regions of the Persian Gulf, the Cold War became even more closely linked with the struggle for energy resources. All of these seemingly circumstantial events influenced potential reactions to the second oil crisis. The 1973 boycott could still be seen as merely a disruptive incident; the Iranian Revolution and the rise of Islamism, on the other 63 These assessments, which were erroneous according to current points of view, were meant to keep the Western allies from cooperating further with the Soviet Union. German politicians and experts were less pessimistic about the decline of Soviet oil and gas, but they anticipated supplies west of 64 Accordingly, they fo resaw currency issues, should the Soviet nations be forced to purchase in the global market. Around 1970, East-West cooperation in the energy sector had prepared an accompanied political rapprochement. Now, energy diplomacy served as a connecting point in the political and economic crisis. The second oil crisis 62 On how these changes were interconnected, see B\u00f6sch 2012. With a biographical perspective on five countries, Caryl 2013. 63 For details on these predictions, made particularly by the CIA, cf. documentation 21.3.1980, in PA AA ZA 132518. 64 Cf. Notes dept. 405 AA 21.3.1980, in PA AAZA 126878. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 177 export German nuclear power plants. tions. independent of the vagaries of politics.\" the Soviets. plants. show that in numerous discussions with politicians from the Soviet Union, developing countries, and industrialized countries, Schmidt emphatically promoted the building of atomic energy reactors and even frequently offered to ing and growth stagnated.65 Specifically, rising energy costs forced the socialist countries to make overtures to the West for selling and refining raw materials, and for managing debts accrued from higher energy costs.66 As already mentioned, the Federal Republic nevertheless continued to bank on expanding cooperation with the Soviet Union in the energy market. This initially applied to atomic energy, which Chancellor Helmut Schmidt clearly supported, despite growing protests from within his own party. The records 67 In exchange, the Soviet Union presented new deals in 1980, renewing its offer to export electricity to the Federal Republic, Italy, and Austria on a long-term basis if the West would provide the power 68 In fact, cooperation with the Soviet Union on atomic energy continued: the Soviets provided enriched uranium to the Federal Republic, France, and Italy, and Western European firms supplied nuclear reactor components to 69 In support of this deal, the CEO of Deutsche Babcock AG, a German manufacturing company that played an important role in this endeavor, said, \"Trade between both peoples is planned for the long term and should be 70 At the same time and with the support of the German federal government, Babcock continued work on the power plant it was building in Iran, despite the revolution, hostage crisis, and sanc71 The Federal Republic also attempted to bypass American sanctions against Iran, but ultimately agreed to the sanction out of loyalty to the transatlantic alliance. In fact, businessmen we re seen as political negotiators - and they probably saw themselves as such. Hence, the Soviet Embassy called not the West German Embassy, but the chairman of Krupp, Berthold Beitz, to say that 10,000 troops had withdrawn from Af ghanistan and, therefore, the NOC and IOC should reconsider their boycott of the Olympic Games.72 The expansion of energy diplomacy manifested itself most clearly in the Soviet Union's provision of natural gas. Around 1980, natural gas was considered 65 Hildermeier 1998, 883. 66 On the negative effects of the energy crisis on the Comecon states, cf. Danos 1988, 53-60. 67 Cf. e.g. note on talk between Schmidt and President Moi\/Kenai 12.2.1980, in AdSD 1\/HSAA00887 and talk between Chancellor Schmidt and Schiwkow (Bulgaria) 2.5.1979, in AdSD 1 HSAA006736. 68 Report on talk between state secretary von W\u00fcrzen and Gvishiani (assistant chairman of the State Committee for Science and Technology) 14.10.1980, in PA AA ZA 132521 and list by the embassy in Moscow to AA 5.8.1980, in PA AAZA 126878. 69 List from the embassy in Moscow to AA 5.8.1980, in PA AA ZA 126878. 70 Der Handel zwischen den beiden V\u00f6lkern ist langfristig angelegt und sollte unabh\u00e4ngig von den Wechself\u00e4llen der Politik sein, Der Spiegel, February 4, 1980. 71 Schmidt to Ewaldsen, 4.6.1980 (draft), in BA\/K B 136 30561. 72 Note to Schmidt 24.6.1980, in AdSD 1\/HSAA008911. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 178 Poland, Reagan announced more unilateral economic measures against the reactor technology in Western Europe. developed an alternative program to the Siberian energy supplies. manded that the Germans give them a detailed plan of what would happen if the Soviets were to cut the gas supply. Republic, from going through with the deal. They warned that Germany would become dependent on and be pressured by the Soviet Union, and that the Federal Republic would be \"Finlandized.\" For this reason, the United States dewere to decrease in the future. France, Italy, and Austria. The plan was to double Soviet gas imports to the Federal Republic - natural gas would thus constitute 30 percent of West Germany's total energy consumption - while gas imports from the Netherlands the energy of the future, and it was believed there were significantly more reserves. Despite the invasion of Afghanistan, the crisis in Poland, and the American embargo policy, the Federal Republic attempted to continue contract negotiations for the biggest natural gas deal to date. The same was true of 73 In addition, after laborious political negotiations, a gas pipeline to West Berlin was negotiated, with compliance from the GDR once the Soviet Union had given its consent. 74 On November 20, 1981, after difficult negotiations about prices and credit, Ruhrgas AG and the Sojusgasexport, the Soviet foreign trade company for natural gas, successfully closed a deal.75 In the same vein, German companies outside the energy industry closed large deals with Moscow at the beginning of the 1980s, such as the construction of airports and steel mills - projects that the public criticized.76 Several studies and internal documents have already demonstrated that the deal between West Germany and the Soviet Union led to diplomatic tension with the United States, especially after Ronald Reagan took office in 1981. 77 America stubbornly tried to keep its Western allies, especially the Federal 78 On top of this, President Reagan asked the Germans to postpone concluding the contract until the United States had 79 In fact, in the autumn of 1981, the United States presented some proposals, which included the expansion of American coal refining and the development of American 80 Clearly, it was not only questions of security that played a role; the Americans were also attempting to secure their own energy exports. At the end of 1981, after martial law had been declared in 73 Dept. 421 status of negotiations about oil pipeline deal 16.6.1981, in PA AA ZA 132521. 74 On the Communiqu\u00e9 meeting between Schmidt and Honecker cf. 11.-13.12.1981: note 24.11.1981, in PAAA ZA 132521, talk between Schmidt and Honecker 13.12.1981, in ADAP 1981, vol. 3, 1930. 75 Note 24.11.1981, in PA AA ZA 132521. 76 Der Spiegel August 30, 1982, 91f. 77 Cf. Lippert 2011, 167 and W\u00f6rmann 1986, 129-71, also see: M\u00fcller 2010, 501-20. 78 Lambsdorff to U.S. ambassador Burns 21.9.1981, in PA AA ZA 132521 and note on gas pipeline deal 9.10.1981, in ibid. 79 Talk between Schmidt and Reagan 19.7.1981, in ADAP 1981, vol. 2, 1142. 80 Note BMWi II D 2\/AA 405, 4.11.1981, in PA AA ZA 132521 and dept. 405 AA 5.11.1981, in PAAA ZA 126889. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 179 Union in general. convinced that this type of long-term cooperation would be able to prevent future wars and that the development of Siberia would keep the Soviet Union away from the Persian Gulf. mainly to France, but aspired to build a pipeline to the Federal Republic. gas networks were flexible enough to compensate a fallout of the Soviet gas supply. with sanctions. Economic considerations made sanctioning several countries extremely unlikely. Moreover, government representatives pointed out that they tripled the West German underground gas reservoir and that the European riched uranium for atomic energy. An important argument was that natural gas was supplied not only to the Federal Republic, but also to several neighboring countries, and therefore it was not possible to target only the Federal Republic USSR, such as \"mandatory licensing of exports from oil and gas facilities,\" which also applied to American oil drill components and pipe-laying machinery.81 The Federal Republic made various attempts to temper American objections. It stressed that Soviet gas had deliberately been limited to 30 percent and that the Soviet Union thus supplied them only about six percent of primary energy exports. In reality, the proportion was somewhat higher, if including the en82 In 1980\/81, the Federal Republic also made clear that the Soviet Union was a much more reliable partner than Algeria, which supplied gas 83 There were no other alternatives, they argued. Iran was out of the picture, and Norway was interesting only in the long run. Leading German politicians were 84 The most important argument for adhering to the contracts was probably the promotion of West German exports to the Soviet Union, which played a crucial role for this country. The contracts enabled currency exchange and confidence building for future trade with the Soviet 85 Notably missing is an argument that seems obvious in retrospect: the use of natural gas was more environmentally friendly than American coal from and atomic power. Internally, future dependence on Soviet energy was indeed seen as problematic. However, only the Soviet invasion of Poland could cause the contracts to break down. 86 The United States had no more success with Germany's neighbors, such as France. The French president Mitterand informed Reagan that he would make a deal with the United States if they would supply gas at the same 81 \"Lizenzpflicht f\u00fcr Exporte von \u00d6l- und Gaseinrichtungen\"; assessment of the letter by Secretary of State Haig to Genscher 29.12.1981, in ADAP 1981, vol. 3, 2068. 82 Lambsdorff to Ambassador Burns 21.9.1981, in PA AA ZA 132521. 83 Talk between Schmidt and Lisen (Vorstandvorsitzende Ruhrgas AG) 23.6.1981, in PA AA ZA 126889 and talk between Genscher and Haig 9.3.1981, in ADAP 1981, vol. 1, 345. 84 Minutes of talk between Schmidt and Carter 5.3.1980, in ADAP 1980, vol. 1, 406. 85 Schmidt\"s visit to the U.S.A., preparations dept. V A 5 AA 14.5.1981, in PA AA ZA 126889. 86 Talk between Genscher and board of directors of Ruhrgas AG 23.6.1981, in PA AA ZA 132521 and talk between Schmidt and Reagan 19.7.1981, in ADAP 1981, vol. 2, 1142. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 180 Gorbatschow schwieg, in Zimmermann and Sch\u00fctt 1992, 232. Also cf. talks in Hertle and Jarausch 2000, 106. brown coal plant in the GDR, which was to be financed by the electricity it would supply to the Federal Republic. hoped-for savings on raw materials failed. cooperation. For example, the GDR wanted to sell more coal and crude oil and in return purchase more gas oil. after 1979 and helped lead to its reliance on the Federal Republic for billions of Deutschmarks in loans. Similarly, the attempt to increase energy production in the GDR led to major problems in the 1980s. Accidents increased, and the of Soviet global strategy,\" and Honecker supposedly questioned Brezhnev as to why he \"wanted to risk the existence of the GDR because of two million tons of petroleum,\" percent, with exemptions for only Pola nd and Cuba due to their political situations. had perhaps more serious consequences. Since the Soviet Union had increased its sales to the West after the 1979 oil crisis, it reduced its cheap long-term supply to its sister states. In 1982, the contractual amounts were reduced by 10 plied to Western Europe, one-third of which went to the Federal Republic. price as the Russians.87 France also believed that the 30 percent limit on gas from the Soviet Union was acceptable. Ultimately, the deal with Western Europe succeeded, but with significantly lower supplies than had been expected. Instead of the projected 40 billion cubic meters per year, 30 billion per year would be sup88 This East-West deal with the Soviet Union did not just cloud relationships among NATO partners; the disgruntlement it triggered within the Warsaw Pact 89 This reduction was fatal to the socialist countries' economies and endangered their political status. The SED viewed it as \"the beginning of the end 90 since, even for relatively wealthy Socialist countries such as the GDR, it had far-reaching consequences. On the one hand, the natural gas supply reduction led to a huge increase in brown-coal mining as a substitute. On the other hand, the decision seriously aggravated the GDR's financial status 91 As had happened with the Soviet Union, the second oil crisis encouraged interdependencies between the two parts of Germany. Thus, in 1979 the two Germanies negotiated new means of 92 Also, the FRG Ministry of Economics had confidential talks with the GDR Ministry for Foreign Trade about building a 93 87 Talk between Schmidt and Mitterand 20.7.1981, in ADAP 1981, vol. 2, 1153. 88 Data acc. to Ruhrgas, in W\u00f6rmann 1986, 103. 89 Danos 1988, 59. 90 \"das beginnende Ende der sowjetischen Globalstrategie\"\/\"wegen zwei Millionen Tonnen Erd\u00f6l die Existenz der DDR aufs Spiel setzen wolle\"; As the chairman of the dept. for international relations of the Central Committee later remarked; G\u00fcnter Sieber, Ustinow tobte, 91 R\u00f6sler and Semmelmann 2005, 55-6. 92 Cf. reports by the Federal Ministry for Economy dept. II C1 8.1.1979 and 17.4.1979, in Bundesarchiv B 102\/280958. 93 Ungerer\"s documentation of cooperation on nuclear energy 21.8.1979, in ADAP 1979, vol. 2, 1164; Gaus\"s documentation of talk with Schalck-Golodkowki 30.5.1980, in ADAP 1980, 870. HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 181 Hans-Dietrich Genscher remarked to his Soviet colleague Andrei Gromyko, \"We are not short-distance sprinters. This is a marathon into the twenty-first they invested in these plans. When, in 1981, negotiations regarding the natural gas industry entered the home stretch despite continuing political crises, West German Foreign Minister under d\u00e9tente in particular and, more precisely, during the time at which the CSCE was negotiating the Helsinki Accords failed. This failure was due to the Soviet Union's erratic, yet confident demeanor and the grandeur with which pipeline installed in the Federal Republic, these systems also involved nuclear energy and oil supplies. Significantly, however, while cooperative schemes initiated before the oil crisis were pursued further, collaborations that arose tween the blocs were beginning to ease is certainly an important point. At the same time, however, energy diplomacy was a precondition - a catalyzer for Brandt's Ostpolitik frequently referenced since 1970. The 1973 oil crisis galvanized East-West cooperation and was the cause for numerous grandiose plans intended to connect the two sides through their individual energy transport systems. Far from being restricted to the famous gas before the 1973 crisis. We can assume that the Soviet Union's booming economy and the short oil embargo during the June War of 1967 played significant roles in the context of these developments. The fact that political tensions beclose relations with industrialized Western countries. While this desire was rooted in economics, forming such relations was without exception politically relevant and depended upon political support. From this perspective, the oil crisis of 1973 was not a crucial turning point. Rather, energy diplomacy between the East and the West entered a dynamic phase as early as the late 1960s, with numerous cooperative projects initiated political crisis, it crossed the Iron Curtain. Thus, one could conclude that the second oil crisis gave new impetus to East-West cooperation and destabilized socialist countries. The collapse of oil prices in the mid-1980s in particular brought the Soviet Union new problems. But, above all, energy diplomacy achieved new importance: in spite of the 5. Conclusion: Energy Diplomacy as \"a Marathon into the 21st Century\" It has frequently been noted that the energy crises accelerated and manifested processes of globalization, particularly with regard to industrialized Western countries and their interdependencies with Arab and Latin American oilproducing countries. As the energy market shifted into higher gear in the 1970s, the Soviet Union emerged as an important trading partner, who desired HSR 39 (2014) 4 \u0147 182 market power has become stronger. as Ukraine, are still suffering under their dependency on Russian energy. this context, energy diplomacy was pivotal for maintaining, and even developing, forms of cooperation in the face of political differences. In spite of the many changes in the energy sector, these cooperative energy programs not only continue to exist, but have also expanded. Russia remains the world's biggest producer of oil and natural gas, and its wealth and power depend to a large extent on these resources. However, public criticism of Gazprom's Soviet Union and the Comecon states were pursued even in the early 1980s. The second oil crisis and the pipelines that were concurrently built, especially, must have made it seem as though there was no alternative to cooperation. In ades of cooperative thinking, implying mutual trust in a stable and long-lasting relationship. In some respects, however, while creating a climate of long-lasting optimism, these large-scale investments also deprived both sides of alternatives. The invasion of Afghanistan was for these positive approaches. Yet, from our present perspective, the documents reveal how well-calculated and with what persistence matters of cooperative energy and economic policy with the er and increased during the energy crisis. On the other hand, large-scale projects necessitated that trading partners consider long-term effects. In particular, the pipeline, as well as joint plans to build nuclear power plants, presupposed deccentury.\" 94 In terms of both time and space, energy diplomacy set a course for long-term developments from the late 1960s onwards. Time frames thus shifted during the seventies. 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Obwohl die St\u00e4dtepartnerschaften \u00e4hnlich wie die \"hohe\" Politik eine langfristige Kooperation zwischen der Bundesrepublik und Frankreich anstrebten, zeigt die Autorin, dass diese Partnerschaften eine eigenst\u00e4ndige Dynamik aufwiesen, die von kommunalpolitischen, gesellschaftspolitischen und symbolischen Ereignissen getragen wurde. Anhand von Fallstudien und statistischen Daten schildert die Autorin, wie sich zwischen 1950 und 2000 die geografische Verteilung der an einer Partnerschaft interessierten Kommunen und die Motivation der beteiligten B\u00fcrger und Vereinigungen wandelten. Im Einklang mit neueren Forschungen wird auch die Rolle der ostdeutschen St\u00e4dte in der deutsch-franz\u00f6sischen Partnerschaftsbewegung vor und nach dem Mauerfall thematisiert, was neue M\u00f6glichkeiten f\u00fcr komparative Studien er\u00f6ffnet.","portal_url":"https:\/\/www.ssoar.info\/ssoar\/handle\/document\/79376","type":"publication","topic":["Bundesrepublik Deutschland","Frankreich","Nachkriegszeit","20. Jahrhundert","bilaterale Beziehungen","Kooperation"],"person":["Filipov\u00e1, Lucie"],"person_sort":"Filipov\u00e1","links":[{"label":"URN","link":"http:\/\/nbn-resolving.de\/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-79376-1"},{"label":"DOI","link":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.13109\/9783666101397"}],"publisher":"Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht","document_type":"Monographie","institutions":["IEG"],"coreAuthor":["Filipov\u00e1, Lucie"],"coreSjahr":"2015","corePublisher":"Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht","coreZsband":"237","coreIsbn":"978-3-666-10139-7","publishLocation_str_mv":"G\u00f6ttingen","coreLanguage":"de","doi":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.13109\/9783666101397","urn":"urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-79376-1","coreIssn":"2197-1048","data_source":"GESIS-SSOAR","index_source":"GESIS-SSOAR","database":"SSOAR - Social Science Open Access Repository","link_count":0,"gesis_own":1,"fulltext":1,"metadata_quality":10,"related_references":[{"view":"h\u00f6hne, R., St\u00e4dtepartnerschaften, . (1990). Ein europ\u00e4- ischer Sonderfall. 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Die au\u00dfen- und sicherheitspolitischen Folgen unserer Energieversorgung werden zunehmend von der Debatte um Klimasicherheit flankiert. Dabei geht es vor allem darum, inwieweit die Klimafolgen der Energiepolitik m\u00f6gliche Konflikte verst\u00e4rken oder sogar ausl\u00f6sen. Die Konkurrenz um die Nutzung fossiler Energietr\u00e4ger hat bereits in der Vergangenheit zu politischen Spannungen und Konflikten unterschiedlicher Intensit\u00e4t gef\u00fchrt. Der Zugang zu Energieressourcen ist in vielen Regionen mit geostrategischen Fragen und sowie Fragen regionaler Vorherrschaft verkn\u00fcpft, wie z.B. die Spannungen zwischen Russland und seinen Nachbarstaaten gezeigt haben. Die Region Zentralasien verf\u00fcgt \u00fcber umfangreiche Gas- und \u00d6lvorkommen, ist aber gleichzeitig durch politische Instabilit\u00e4ten gepr\u00e4gt. Da der Energiebedarf nicht nur in Industriestaaten weiter steigt, sondern in betr\u00e4chtlichem Ma\u00dfe auch in bev\u00f6lkerungsreichen Schwellenl\u00e4ndern wie China und Indien, verst\u00e4rkt sich zunehmend die Konkurrenz um strategische Zug\u00e4nge zu Erd\u00f6l- und Erdgasvorkommen. Dies betrifft vor allem L\u00e4nder, die in hohem Ma\u00dfe von Energieimporten abh\u00e4ngig sind.\" (Autorenreferat)","portal_url":"http:\/\/sowiport.gesis.org\/search\/id\/gesis-solis-00390196","type":"publication","topic":["Energie","EU","Klimawandel","Energiepolitik","Energieverbrauch","Energietr\u00e4ger","Folgen","Energieversorgung","Industriestaat","Entwicklungsland","Erd\u00f6l","Sicherheitspolitik","Ressourcen","politischer Konflikt","Welt","politische Stabilit\u00e4t","erneuerbare Energie","Weltpolitik","Bundesrepublik Deutschland","Au\u00dfenpolitik","internationale Politik","Entwicklungspolitik","Entwicklungshilfepolitik"],"person":["Luhmann, Hans-Jochen","Supersberger, Niko","Fischedick, Manfred","Maas, Achim","Carius, Alexander","T\u00e4nzler, Dennis"],"person_sort":"LuhmannSupersbergerFischedick","source":"Berlin, 2007, XIII, 167 S.","links":[{"label":"Volltext","link":"http:\/\/www.bmu.de\/files\/pdfs\/allgemein\/application\/pdf\/studie_ee_sicherheit.pdf"}],"subtype":"book","publisher":"GESIS","database":"SOLIS - Sozialwissenschaftliches Literaturinformationssystem","document_type":"Buch","institutions":["Adelphi Consult GmbH","Wuppertal Institut f\u00fcr Klima, Umwelt, Energie GmbH"],"coreAuthor":["Luhmann, Hans-Jochen","Supersberger, Niko","Fischedick, Manfred","Maas, Achim","Carius, Alexander"],"coreCorpEditor":["Adelphi Consult GmbH"],"coredoctypelitadd":["Abschlussbericht"],"coreLanguage":["Deutsch (DE)"],"data_source":"GESIS-Literaturpool","link_count":0,"gesis_own":1,"fulltext":1,"index_source":"OUTCITE","literature_collection":"GESIS-Literaturpool"},"system_type":"EXP","doc_rank":4,"rid":28959684}]}}